Tag Archives: 2010 election

Gibo: negligent + delayed + confused = FAILURE

Gibo delayed purchase of rubber boats
http://www.abs-cbnnews.com/nation/10/12/09/teodoro-delayed-purchase-rubber-boats

by Aries Rufo, abs-cbnNEWS.com/Newsbreak | 10/12/2009 8:19 PM

MANILA – Disaster-preparedness officials warned Defense Secretary Gilbert Teodoro about the possibility of widespread flooding this year, but the presidential aspirant apparently miscalculated when he did not act quickly on purchasing life-saving equipment.

In particular, officials of the Office of the Civil Defense (OCD) had urged and advised Teodoro to immediately order the procurement of rescue boats for the expected flooding in different parts of the country.

But for some reason, the potential standard-bearer of the ruling party decided the procurement could wait.

Documents obtained by abs-cbnnews.com/Newsbreak from the OCD showed that the emergency purchase of rigid-hull inflatable boats was being pushed to Teodoro as early as February this year to prepare the country for more flash floods.

But the defense chief, who also chairs the National Disaster Coordinating  Council (NDCC), wanted the purchase to be done through regular bidding, which has prolonged the procurement.

And then the deluge brought by tropical storm “Ondoy” came along.

Grim figures

As thousands of Metro Manila residents cried for rescue at the height of Ondoy’s fury, rescue and relief officials were hampered by lack of rubber boats in saving people who were trapped by the flash floods. Many residents complained that it took rescue officials hours to respond to their distress calls.

Some residents, frustrated by the delay, bought their own rubber boats, while others improvised with inflatable beds or Styrofoam-made devices. Unofficial reports said that the Navy has only around 20-30 rubber boats.

Ondoy claimed around 200 lives, many of them from drowning.  While Metro Manila and nearby provinces had yet to recover from the disaster, tropical depression Pepeng followed, inundating many areas in northern Luzon. Pepeng has claimed over 300 lives.

Early this year, the OCD, as the implementing arm of the NDCC, sought the emergency procurement of rubber boats following the typhoons and floods that occurred all over the country in 2008.

This was also prompted by the numerous requests from local government units (LGUs) for rescue equipment, especially those that had experienced flooding and those in flood-prone areas.

Emergency procurement

The casualties convinced disaster-preparedness officials of the need for an emergency procurement.

In the first two months of this year alone, the OCD recorded 36 incidents of flash floods affecting more than 277,000 families or 1.3 million persons in 31 provinces.

Records from the OCD showed that as of Dec. 2008, its stock of rubber boats had been depleted to zero. A total of 182 rubber boats were distributed to LGUs and to government agencies and non-government organizations in 2008.

In Metro Manila, one inflatable rubber boat each was given to the LGUs of Malabon and of Taguig City.

In Ilocos and in Cagayan, among the regions hardest hit by Pepeng,  Pangasinan, Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, Isabela, Nueva Vizcaya and Quirino got one rubber boat each. Collectively, these provinces have 106 flood-prone towns identified by the NDCC.

Cagayan, which has 27 municipalities prone to floods, got 11 rubber boats.

Region 3 (Central Luzon) and Region 4-A (Southern Tagalog), which also suffered Ondoy’s ferocity, got 30 rubber boats for the two regions’ 200 flood-prone municipalities.

Another report of the OCD showed that of the 949 flood-prone municipalities, only about 3 percent have been provided with rigid-hull rubber boats.

Fears of LGUs of more destructive floods have heightened the demand for more rubber boats.

Delayed P50-million emergency purchase

In February 5, 2009, a memorandum for Teodoro from OCD Administrator Glenn Rabonza sought the purchase of rubber boats to replenish the OCD’s zero stock.

What the OCD wanted to procure then was a rigid-hull inflatable boat (RHIB) with outboard motors, which costs around P1 million each. The RHIB is preferred over the ordinary inflatable rescue boat because it is more sturdy and reliable in flash floods.

Rabonza said that from previous discussions, P50 million had been earmarked for the project. “This is considered priority in view of the numerous outstanding LGU requests and as a preparedness measure for the rainy season,” Rabonza told Teodoro in the memorandum.

To fast track the procurement, an undated resolution by the Bids and Awards Committee (BAC) recommended the adoption of alternative modes of procurement for rigid-hull inflatable rubber boats “to support the disaster management and response operation in preparation for the rainy and typhoon season.”

In view of “exceptionally urgent and necessary in nature” for the OCD to respond to disaster management requirement,” the BAC supported a negotiated procurement or direct contracting.

LGUs have the calamity fund, at 5 percent of their budget, for the purchase of rescue equipment, but their hands are basically tied when it comes to the use of the fund. The Local Government Code states that LGUs can only use it once a state of calamity is declared in their localities.

Thus, rescue equipment like inflatable rubber boats are normally provided by the OCD.

Confused over decision

Rabonza had asked permission from Teodoro if the OCD could resort to negotiated procurement or direct contracting, citing a provision in the Procurement Law which allows such methods in cases of “imminent danger arising from natural or man-made calamities or other causes where immediate action is necessary to prevent damage to or loss of life or property…”

An OCD official, who asked not to be named for lack of authority, said the negotiated procurement or direct contracting options were pushed “because time was of the essence.”

“Based on experience, the entire process under a regular bidding will take 8 months…from the time the bid is announced to the delivery of the equipment. If we undertake regular bidding, we would have lost valuable time,” the OCD official said.

To be fair to Teodoro, the OCD official said the defense chief approved the allocation for the rubber boats. But his last-minute decision to resort to regular bidding further delayed the procurement of rubber boats.

In his marginal note to Rabonza in the letter, Teodoro apparently gave his go-signal, but he also indicated that he preferred regular bidding. “Why can we not bid and have delivery within 4 months?” Teodoro asked.

This confused the OCD as to what Teodoro really wanted.

No rubber boats up to now

In insisting for a public bidding, was Teodoro just being prudent with government spending or was it a case of misplaced priority?

We called Rabonza’s mobile phones and sent text messages to him, but as of posting time, we have yet to get a reply.

Failing to decipher what Teodoro really wanted, the OCD official said the purchase of the RHIBs was set aside.  In the meantime, requests from LGUs even before Ondoy and Pepeng for rubber boats persisted.

In a phone interview,  Bulacan Governor Joselito Mendoza said he requested 1 rubber boat from the Department of National Defense (DND) last August to augment the existing rescue equipment of the provincial government. “They promised us to give us but until we have yet to get one,” he said.

Another DND source said Teodoro earlier downplayed the purchase of the RHIBs because at that time, there was no imminent threat to lives.

Ondoy proved him wrong, and disaster preparedness officials are now in a hurry to procure RHIBs. — by Aries Rufo, with reports from Jesus Llanto, Newsbreak

as of 10/23/2009 1:13 PM

SEC. GILBERT TEODORO – PROVEN POOR LEADER OF RELIEF OPERATIONS IN TYPHOON ONDOY?

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0oh_HhxTaR8

Reasons WHY a VOTE for Gilberto “GIBO” Teodoro Jr. is Important:

From Nathan Kulit April 22 at 3:06pm

1.) He is the ONLY candidate who practices POSITIVE CAMPAIGNING (No mudslinging)
- False. GORDON, Perlas and JC delos Reyes do the same.
2.) He is the ONLY candidate who speaks of RECONCILIATION & UNITY
- False. GORDON encourages everyone to simultaneously do the 1st step for a better Philippines.
3.) He is the ONLY candidate who does not offer UTOPIA (No promises of paradise but Realistic solutions)
- False. GORDON offer only GOOD PERFORMANCE.

4.) He is the ONLY candidate with a CLEAR PLATFORM OF GOVERNMENT & REGION SPECIFIC PLANS and STRATEGIES.
- It was copied from NEDA Development Plan (http://www.neda.gov.ph/ads/mtpdp/MTPDP2004-2010/PDF/MTPDP2004-2010.html). If they insist, ask them where are the miniatures of this? How can it be doable? If they still insist, ask them why it was not implemented in Tarlac? He was and his family a very influential personalities in Tarlac, why he can’t motivate and inspire their Local Government to do the same? If he can’t, then he is not a leader. GORDON inspires his constituents to rise Olongapo and Subic after the disaster. A true Leader.

5.) He is the ONLY candidate who does not appeal to emotions just to gain votes.
- True.
6.) He is ONE of the few candidates NOT tainted with corruption or any scandal.
- False. GORDON, Perlas and JC delos Reyes too.

7.) He is ONE of the few candidates with the BEST QUALIFICATIONS for the job.
- False. Please refer on the ScoreCard.

8.) He is the ONLY candidate with the most KNOWLEDGE & AWARENESS of REGION SPECIFIC PROBLEMS
- False. He has no LGU experience. Maybe he heard so many regional problems but KNOWLEDGE is different from AWARENESS. Why TARLAC remains as TARLAC? What did he do when he was a Congressman, ROADS?

9.) He is the ONLY candidate who possessed all the 3 attributes a good president must have: INTEGRITY, COMPETENCE, CHARACTER
- False.
INTEGRITY – to remain as Arroyo’s ally. Have no balls to stand alone and declare his candidacy. He left NPC for political reason hoping that joining the ruling LAKAS-KAMPI-CMD will ensure his gateway to presidency.
COMPETENCE – can they enumerate any of his accomplishment during Secretary of DND? Or any accomplishment that people can say “Ohh it was G1BO”.
CHARACTER – No comment, it is a subjective perception.

10.) He is the ONLY candidate with the POLITICAL WILL and MACHINERY to make his platform of government a reality.
POLITICAL WILL – he can’t even stand over TED FAILON.
MACHINERY – who ever the president elected, he will automatically have the machinery as it was mandated by the law.

From Tapia Ramirez April 22 at 10:07pm

1.) He is the ONLY candidate who practices POSITIVE CAMPAIGNING (No mudslinging)

-He took the high road because he can’t cast the first stone. Who is his padrino? GMA diba? :D

-

3.) Realistic Solutions…

-hmmm… It was his time to shine during Ondoy…but what happened? Who offered realistic solutions? Who was in the mud rescuing people? It was Bayani and Gordon. Who stayed in the office and sat like a prince? B1go. Who provided the life rafts? Red Cross or the NDCC? FYI, Bayani sent his MMDA men to Bulacan even if it was not their area of responsibility to rescue people. Heller? NDCC? Wer na u? Realistic Solutions my arse!

4.) He is the ONLY candidate with a CLEAR PLATFORM OF GOVERNMENT & REGION SPECIFIC PLANS and STRATEGIES.

-Copied and pasted from the MEDIUM TERM PHILIPPINE DEVELOPMENT PLAN …. sa sobrang ganda, maiiyak ka…but only a few percentage were implemented.

6.) He is ONE of the few candidates NOT tainted with corruption or any scandal
-Oops. Marcos Loyalist Parents. Ayos ang hatian nila sa Hacienda Luisita (same baggage with Noynoy…drama lang ang away pamilya eklavoo). OOOOPs… GMA as a Padrino. OOPS. GMA in itself is a scandal :D in fact the golden standard of all scandals.

8.) He is the ONLY candidate with the most KNOWLEDGE & AWARENESS of REGION SPECIFIC PROBLEMS
- Ows? One word… ONDOY.

10.) He is the ONLY candidate with the POLITICAL WILL and MACHINERY to make his platform of government a reality.
-Political will? Ampatuan? Philippine Air Force: All Air No force?

FB thread: http://www.facebook.com/?sk=messages&ref=mb#!/?page=1&sk=messages&tid=1232821232348

Sinungaling si Manny Villar

How Manny Villar lied and used the death of his brother Danny
AS I WRECK THIS CHAIR By William M. Esposo (The Philippine Star) Updated March 28, 2010 12:00 AM

“Nakaranas na ba kayong … mamatayan ng kapatid dahil wala kang pera pangpagamot (Have you experienced losing a brother because you did not have the money to provide him proper medical care)? — Manny Villar asked in his “PANATA (Advocacy)” TV commercial. Villar was referring to his younger brother Danny who passed away on October 1962. In the same commercial, Villar’s 1962 photo with his younger brother was shown.

This portrayal of being poor once upon a time is a fantasy which comes in a series of similar attempts by Villar to create empathy with the nearly 90% of voters who belong to the socio-economic classes D and E. However, this particular attempt to use his late brother Danny to further his political ambition showed that Villar is as capable of lying just like Madame Gloria Macapagal Arroyo (GMA).

Two public documents — the death certificate of Danny B. Villar and the Transfer Certificate of Title (TCT number: 135396/3194) of the 560 square meter property in the upper class San Rafael Village of Navotas where the Villars had lived when Danny died — shattered this ONCE POOR fantasy that Villar has been peddling.

What the San Rafael Village TCT presents:

1. Before 1962, the Villars bought 560 square meters (SQM) of high valued real estate on Bernardo Street in San Rafael Village where the more affluent folks in the Tondo-Navotas area resided.

2. The DEATH CERTIFICATE of the deceased Danny B. Villar established that they were already residing there in 1962.

3. Based on 2009 prices, the P16,000 GSIS (Government Service Insurance System) mortgage mentioned in the TCT — not necessarily the total cost of the two 280 SQM lots — is now the equivalent of P1,140,000.00. Poor people today cannot even borrow P200,000. Those who are familiar with the subdivision say that the cost per SQM in San Rafael Village today would be around P10,000 per SQM or an equivalent of around P5,600,000 for the entire property.

4. Jun Borres, the present owner who is using the 560 SQM property as offices of his firm, Jumbo Fishing, stated that when they bought it in 1987 – it had a one and a half floor house. The ground floor was made of concrete while the upstairs was made of wood. This was typical upper middle class and upper class dwelling in the 1960s.

Implications of the San Rafael Village ownership

1. Together with established Manny Villar bio information, they could not have been dirt poor to be able to move to San Rafael Village before 1962. His mother was a seafood (shrimp, crab and fish) dealer in Divisoria Market, not a fish vendor as what Villar tries to project. A seafood dealer supplies the vendors. For a family of 11, they ate canned corned beef — which Manny Villar admitted on his earlier TV ad. His father was a government official, said to be a Budget Officer of the then DANR (Department of Agriculture and Natural Resources) under which was the Fisheries Bureau. Manny Villar studied in private schools — the Holy Child Catholic School for elementary and Mapua Institute of Technology for High School. Poor folks send their kids to public schools.

2. Villar’s parents must have had a sizeable combined income to be able to buy the San Rafael Village property. The 560 SQM size demonstrates their financial capacity. If they could, poor people buy lots sized less than 100 SQMs. Villar’s father must also be making a sizeable income from the government to be able to borrow P16,000 from the GSIS. In 1962, senior executives in big corporations made monthly salaries of about P2,000.

What Danny B. Villar’s DEATH CERTIFICATE reveals:

1. It is NOT TRUE that Danny died because they were poor and could not afford proper health care. The stated residence in Danny’s death certificate was the San Rafael Village property.

2. The BIG LIE is further proved by the fact that Danny stayed 13 days at the FEU (Far Eastern University) Hospital where he expired at age 3 years and 8 months. If they were really poor, the PGH (Philippine General Hospital) would have been the affordable hospital to bring Danny. He was definitely given proper health care. FEU Hospital was one of the top hospitals in 1962, before the establishment of the Makati Medical Center and St. Luke’s Hospital.

3. Danny died from CARDIAC and RESPIRATORY FAILURE resulting from COMPLICATIONS OF LEUKEMIA. In 1962, there was no bone marrow transplantation and chemotherapy yet and everyone whether rich or poor died from contracting leukemia.

4. Upon Danny’s death, his remains were turned over to LA FUNERARIA PAZ — then, until now, considered one of the top two mortuaries (Funeraria Nacional, the other). This further disproved Manny Villar’s claim that Danny died because they did not have the money to take care of him.

When Iggy Arroyo was seen as having taken the Jose Pidal rap for his elder brother Mike, many folks felt that it was rather low of Mike Arroyo to place his younger brother at risk. Our culture expects the older brother to protect the younger brother.

In that regard, we can consider Manny Villar as having done worse than Mike Arroyo. At least, Iggy Arroyo was alive and kicking and he could have opted to stay out of the Jose Pidal controversy. But in the case of Manny and Danny Villar, Danny was used to promote a myth when Danny was in no position to agree to his elder brother Manny’s portrayal of his death.

With the propagation of this ONCE POOR fantasy, don’t you think that Manny Villar also desecrated the memory and honor of his parents who strove to be able to provide their children quality education and an upper class domicile?

If Manny Villar can lie and use his dead younger brother like this, what makes you think that he will really improve and not worsen your life? What makes you think that he is not as greedy as he is being charged in this presidential campaign? What makes you think that you can trust Manny Villar?

* * *

 Chair   Wrecker   e-mail and website: macesposo@yahoo.com and www.chairwrecker.com

Pati bibliya gustong baligtarin ni Money Villarroyo manalo lang sa eleksiyon, hesus maryosep!

—– Forwarded Message —-
From: Money Villarroyo
To: Elizabeth Alim
Sent: Wednesday, March 17, 2010 9:19:58 AM
Subject: PATI BIBLIYA GUSTONG BALIGTARIN NI MANNY VILLARROYO MANALO LANG SA ELEKSIYON, HESUS MARYOSEP!

http://www.mabuhayradio.com/sections/humor-a-satire/5334-the-battle-for-the-philippine-presidency-is-now-of-biblical-proportion.htm

Comic Relief for the 2010 Philippine Presidential Election

By Tom Seyer

Senior Correspondent, Coconut News Network (CNN Kuno, as coined originally by Romeo P. Marquez)

It seems that all Filipino presidential candidates are running after the so-called “Catholic vote.” But please read Bobby Reyes’ article, Is There a “Catholic Vote” in the Philippines? and perhaps you may agree with the author that it is an exercise in futility because almost all of the presidential candidates are Catholic.

The “Biblical Battle” for the 2010 Philippine presidency started in the Vatican when President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo told the Pope that “God told her to run in the 2004 presidential election.”

Bro. Eddie Villanueva, who was one of Mrs. Arroyo’s opponents in the 2004 presidential campaign, said allegedly that God denied to him that the Almighty ever talked to Mrs. Arroyo. Brother Eddie was overheard saying that he talks to God almost daily and he was assured that Mrs. Arroyo was not one of the Almighty’s phone pals.

However, supporters of Ang Kapatiran Party’s presidential candidate, JC de los Reyes, say that their man is actually the candidate of many Catholic bishops and priests. They claim that the name “JC de los Reyes” means “Jesus Christ of the Kings.”

But former President Joseph “Erap” Estrada allegedly said that he is the only candidate who really follows the Bible. He was said to have reasoned out that after all he observes to the limit God’s command to “go forth and multiply,” as found in Genesis 1:28.

Then former President Erap said that he has made peace with the Catholic bishops as found in these articles:

Détente between Erap and the CBCP (Part I of “Erap and the Bishops”)

Part II of Erap and the Bishops

Erap and the Bishops (Part III)

The supporters of Sen. Noynoy Aquino say that many Catholic voters will vote for their candidate, as he is the son of the yet-to-be-canonized third Filipino saint, former President Cory Cojuangco-Aquino.

However, supporters of presidential front runner Manuel Villar claim that actually Senator Villar was originally baptized as Emmanuel, which means “God is with us.” The Villar supporters also say that ancient Hebrew text regarded the name “Emmanuel” as a pledge of Divine assistance and, therefore, God will not abandon Mr. Villar on election day.

Then the pro-Villar campaigners say that as alphabetically listed, Senator Villar is last in the list. But as found in the Gospel (Matthew 20:16), Jesus declares that in the world to come, “The last shall be first and the first last.” Ergo, Manny Villar wins, if voters will follow the Bible.

Letters of Paul

In the meantime, Paul Villar is being urged by members of the Media Breakfast Club (MBC) to start writing campaign letters. Paul is the Southern California-based nephew of Senator Villar and who was assigned to be the liaison man of the Villar Campaign to the MBC members.

The MBC members suggest that the campaign letters carry these titles:

Letter of Paul to the Corynthians (the supporters of former President Cory Cojuangco-Aquino),

Letter of Paul to the Pilipians (these are the Corynthians who eat a lot of pili nuts),

Letter of Paul to the Gibotians (the followers of presidential candidate Gibo Cojuangco-Teodoro, Jr.), and

Letter of Paul to Galasians (Galas is a district in Quezon City).

Who owns a house like this?

Even if you don’t care about houses just take a look:

Who would have such taste or live in such opulence?

An American Billionaire?
A Saudi Prince?
Louis XIV of
France ?

Savour the pictures then scroll to the bottom of the page to see who owns this Work of Art.















This Mansion is in Salt Lake City, Utah, USA and belongs to:
Senator Manny Villar of the PHILIPPINES

While Filipinos starve, and die because of abject poverty ….and while Sen. Villar brags that he had poor beginnings and he had helped his poor countrymen over and over again… but look now.. he and his family live like this…….his GREED kills his poverty stricken fellow Filipinos .  So please consider this seriously in the upcoming elections.
PLEASE send this to everyone you know.
They can send it to everyone they know.
Soon Filipinos around the world will know what this man is doing to the people he wishes to serve if elected President.


This is a Forwarded Email.

Source:
Investec Out of the Ordinary
Please consider the environment before printing this email.

Walang Binatbat Si Manny Villarroyo Sa Mga Ilocano (Tanong Mo Pa Sa Mga Marcos)

Erap confident of Solid North vote due to loyalty to Marcos LAOAG CITY, Ilocos Norte â€“ Former President Joseph Estrada, standard-bearer of the Pwersa ng Masang Pilipino (PMP), remains confident that the people of Ilocos Norte would still support his candidacy despite the political affiliation of Ferdinand “Bongbongâ€� Marcos with the Nacionalista Party (NP) of Sen. Manuel Villar Jr. Estrada, in an interview upon arrival at the Laoag Interna-tional Airport here, yesterday said Ilocanos would vote for him as they did in the 1998 presi-dential elections when he got a solid vote from the so-called Solid North. According to him, the Ilocanos know of his loyalty to the late President Ferdinand Marcos. Estrada recalled that he was one of those who visited the late strongman who was in exile in Honolulu, Hawaii against the advice of his fellow senators. He said Ilocanos would remember that he was a good friend to the Marcoses. Estrada was with running mate Makati City Mayor Jejomar Binay and PMP senatorial candidates, former Sen. Francisco “Kitâ€� Tatad, Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile, Senate President Pro Tempore Jinggoy Estrada, ZTE national broadband whistle-blower Jose de Venecia III and former Negros Occidental Rep. Apolinario â€œJunâ€� Lozada. Bongbong Marcos is running for senator under the banner of the NP although he is also a guest candidate of the PMP. Estrada added that while the Arroyo government is celebrating Edsa 2 in Manila, the PMP decided to continue its provincial sorties. He noted that celebrating Edsa 2 is a shame. “Our democracy became a joke the past nine years. The challenge of the next president is to bring back the integrity of our democracy,â€� Estrada said in his message regarding the People Power Revolution being celebrated in Manila. Estrada noted that the bible of our democracy, the Constitution, has repeatedly been trampled upon by the present administration to the point that Philippine democracy has become a joke to the worldwide community. Meanwhile, NP candidates led by Villar yesterday virtually made a “sortieâ€� inside Camp Aguinaldo, the general headquarters of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) which is supposed to be insulated from any partisan political activity. Villar, along with his running mate Sen. Loren Legarda and several members of the NP senatorial lineup, held a unity walk outside the compound of the Intelligence Service of the AFP (Isafp) after a visit to detained Marine Col. Ariel Querubin, who is seeking a Senate seat under the NP banner. They are also bent on pursuing Querubin’s temporary release from detention, to allow him to campaign for his senatorial bid. “We will try to exhaust all means even if we know that being in the opposition could be make things more difficult for him. But we will try to do the best we can,â€� Villar said. The senator said he will make representations with the authorities, in hope of forging an arrangement through appropriate procedures to address the situation of Querubin. AFP spokesman Lt. Col. Romeo Brawner, however, maintained the military leadership gave the go signal for Villar’s group visit. Brawner said AFP Chief of Staff Gen. Victor Ibrado, who has been reiterating his reminder for the military troops to remain non-partisan, was aware of the scheduled visit of Villar to Querubin who has been detained at the Isafp. “That is an ordinary visit to their partymate, this was coursed through the camp commander and CS (Ibrado). The CS said that it is not allowed to campaign inside the camp but since it’s an ordinary visit to a detained partymember, the CS allowed it on condition that they will not campaign inside and they did not campaign, what they did was not campaigning,â€� Brawner explained. “When you campaign, you are telling the people outright to vote for them,â€� he added. But in a statement released after the briefing, Brawner stated “the AFP said the group of Senator Villar violated an agreement that no campaigning will be done when they were allowed to visit Querubin inside Camp Aguinaldo today (Thursday). Senator Villar and members of his party made a unity walk and raised the hands of their candidates. The CSAFP (Ibrado) instructed that the group of Senator Villar be warned against repeating such actions when they visit Querubin in the future. “Moreover, the Military Police has been reminded to strictly implement the policy that no vehicles with campaign stickers or posters will be allowed inside the camp,â€� Brawner added in the statement. Aside from the NP candidates, campaign materials like posters and leaflets from their vehicles were seen by the media who caught the unity walk on camera.

 

 

From: http://www.tribune.net.ph/headlines/20100226hed2.html

Noynoy’s grandpa couldn’t lead the clan

Written by Earl G. Parreño
Tuesday, 29 September 2009

Without a family anchor, the succeeding generations of Cojuangcos engaged in business maneuverings, sometimes even against each other

(Seventh of 9 parts)

The Cojuangco brothers came home from the war with a feeling of unease not only towards the future but also towards one other.  The war had claimed one of them; they are no longer the four brothers that people had known before. The death of Antonio had removed one of the pillars of the family’s third generation. The survivors grieved over his passing.

But the unease was not only brought about by the death of Antonio. It was also brought about by the realization that there was no one among them who could serve as the family anchor, no one who could steer the growing clan forward, as Ingkong Jose did during his lifetime and Ysidra before the war. Their aunt had become old and was no longer as active as when the family was yet starting its businesses.

As the eldest among the brothers, Jose Sr. was expected to provide the leadership.  But the war had shown that he was probably not fit to fill in that role. When the Japanese invaded Manila, Jose Sr. evacuated his own immediate family to safety, in his in-laws’ territory of Rizal. While he might have worried about Ysidra and his three brothers and their families, he failed to unite and coordinate their efforts to ensure everyone’s safety and welfare.

Not long after, a discord would develop among the surviving Cojuangco brothers that would continue into the succeeding generations of the clan.

The first disagreement among the brothers arose over whom to support among the presidential candidates in the 1946 elections. Just a year after the war, a general election was called for the positions of president, vice president, senators and congressmen. Sergio Osmeña Sr., the vice president of the Commonwealth government, was running for president against Manuel Roxas, a former Speaker of the House of Representatives. Osmeña was running under the banner of the Nacionalista Party.  Roxas, who was originally a member of the Nacionalista Party and a protégé of Osmeña, broke away from his mentor and founded his own party, the Partido Liberal, so he could challenge him for the presidency.

In the run-up to the elections, both camps were actively soliciting the support of the political leaders in the provinces, including the Cojuangcos who were considered political kingpins in Tarlac. Jose Sr. had committed his support to Osmeña, having run under the banner of the latter’s party-mate Manuel L. Quezon before the war. While talks were underway regarding the position that Jose Sr. would be running for, he learned that his younger brother, Eduardo Sr. or Endeng, was talking to Roxas and offering the latter his support. Endeng reportedly wanted to run for Tarlac governor, the position he abandoned during the war.  But he was prevailed upon by Roxas to run for senator instead.

When Jose Sr. heard the news, he called Endeng for a talk and tried to convince him to change his mind. No one knows exactly what transpired during the meeting but a heated discussion reportedly ensued.  In the end, Jose Sr. failed to convince Endeng to drop his plans.  Since it would not be wise for two Cojuangcos to run for the same position in an election—and under opposing parties at that—the elder brother decided to run for representative of the first district of Tarlac, the position he held before the war, instead of senator.

In that election, Roxas won over Osmeña but the two Cojuangcos lost. Both never ran again for any elective post. Jose Sr. focused his efforts on managing the family businesses, especially the Philippine Bank of Commerce and the Paniqui Sugar Mills. Endeng established his own business, starting with the International Hardwood and Veneer Corp. or Interwood, a plywood and veneer factory based in Manila, after he was awarded a big logging concession by the government.

Endeng died six years later, on March 13, 1952. His death, however, did not end the discord that had developed within the family. It would worsen instead as the members of the fourth-generation Cojuangcos began assuming crucial roles in the management of the family businesses.

Eduardo Jr. or Danding was only 16 years old when his father died. He had just graduated from high school at the De La Salle College in Manila. He enrolled at the University of the Philippines’ College of Agriculture in Los Baños, Laguna, to prepare himself to run the family’s agricultural estates. His mother, Josephine, meanwhile took over the management of Interwood.

But according to the alumni directory of De La Salle College, Danding “often slipped back to Manila to court pretty girls, (and) his grades suffered. He decided to continue his studies at the California Polytechnic College in San Luis Obispo, California.”

While Danding was in the US, his family’s plywood and veneer business was faltering. Josephine was not skilled in running a factory and the family’s resources were dwindling. With six children to support—two more boys were born after the war, Enrique and Manuel—Josephine had to rely on their share of the profits from the businesses that were managed by Jose Sr.

“They were the poorest branch of the Cojuangco clan then,” said Liborio de Jesus, a lawyer and a childhood friend of the Cojuangco cousins. Although Eduardo Sr.’s family was still wealthy compared to most Filipinos, “Danding had to work as a gas boy in the US to earn his pocket money,” De Jesus added.

Unable to carry the burden of a losing business, Josephine asked her son to hurry home in 1956 and take over the management of the plywood and veneer factory. Danding came home from the US that same year. He immediately focused on the rehabilitation of Interwood. He also ran for public office and was elected councilor of Paniqui in 1957, at the age of 22.  Four years after, he became vice mayor of the town.

Meanwhile, the Jose Cojuangco Sr. branch was doing much better. A few months after the 1946 election, Jose Sr. took his entire family and the two surviving children of his brother Antonio—Ramon and Lourdes—to the US to study. Jose Sr. had six living children then: Pedro, the eldest, was 20; Josephine, 19; Teresita, 17; Corazon, 13; Jose Jr., 12; and Maria Paz, 8. They first stayed in a hotel in New York before taking the younger children to their respective schools around New York.

“Unlike Danding, Don Pepe’s (nickname of Jose Sr.) children never had to work in the US while studying,” De Jesus said.

In this period, Jose Sr. also invested in other businesses. He set up the Manila Tribune, a daily newspaper, in 1947. He invested some amount in a steamship company, was into construction and even insurance. He was also a member of President Roxas’s National Economic Council and governor of the Rehabilitation Finance Corp. (RFC) in 1952, during Elpidio Quirino’s presidency. The RFC, which later became the Development Bank of the Philippines, managed the reparations fund coming from the US to help the country recover from the ravages of war. The fund, however, was used by successive presidents of the country as their personal “pork barrel” and disbursed these to help the businesses of their families and cronies.

It was not clear why Jose Sr. sold his shares in the Paniqui Sugar Mills. According to one account, he pulled out his shares to acquire the Tabacalera Sugar Central. This could be true because after the war, the movement towards the consolidation of the milling sector that began in the 1930s picked up speed. Smaller, less efficient mills were forced out of the competition. Don Pepe may have foreseen that the family-owned mill could not survive and wanted to acquire a bigger and more efficient one to stay afloat.

His desire to acquire Tabacalera may have been reinforced by the subtle prodding of President Ramon Magsaysay who, Ninoy Aquino claimed, wanted Don Pepe to seriously consider buying the azucarera.

“One day in 1957, President Magsaysay had called me; he said he had been informed that the Spaniards in Luisita were selling out. ‘And I,’ said Magsaysay, ‘don’t want the Negros sugar people to invade you people in Tarlac.’ At that time, the Lopez interests had bought Pasumil, and Magsaysay was at loggerheads with the Lopezes. He didn’t want them getting Luisita, too. So I went to my father-in-law and asked him if he was interested in the Central Azucarera, which the Spaniards might offer for sale. Negotiations were opened with Tabacalera.  In the midst of our negotiations, Magsaysay died; thus, the deal was concluded in Garcia’s time,” Ninoy recounted.

Whatever the circumstances, the purchase was widely seen to have greatly contributed to the widening rift among members of the clan, and the development of its two business factions. The ownership of Hacienda Luisita itself would be dogged by controversies in later years as its tenants assert their right to the land under various agrarian reform laws.

In 1957, Jose Sr. started negotiating for the purchase of the majority shares of the common stock of Central Azucarera de Tarlac from the Spanish owners. As the owners were foreigners, they wanted the shares to be paid for in US dollars. Consequently, Jose Sr. negotiated a loan with the Manufacturers Trust Co. of New York to finance the payment of the stocks in US dollars, to be amortized over a period of 10 years.

During that time, the Philippine peso was under foreign exchange control due to the government’s low dollar reserves. The government regulated the remittance of dollars. The shares of stocks held by the foreign stockholder could not be sold in dollars.

In this connection, Jose Sr. wrote his very good friend, Central Bank Governor Miguel Cuaderno, who was formerly the president of the Philippine Bank of Commerce. He asked for the approval of a dollar loan to be secured by him from the foreign bank in New York and for the remittance of dollars to liquidate the loan over a 10-year period.

Acting on the request, the Central Bank Monetary Board, on August 27, 1957, passed Resolution No. 1240, approving the dollar loan application of Jose Cojuangco with Manufacturers Trust. The Central Bank provided the dollar cover for the loan by depositing a part of the country’s international reserve with the said New York bank and approved the remittance of US dollars to the foreign sellers. The Central Bank, however, provided several conditions for its approval, including a provision that “there shall be a simultaneous purchase of Hacienda Luisita with the purchase of the shares, with a view to distributing this hacienda to small farmers in line with the Administration’s social justice program.”

Jose Sr. agreed with the conditions set by the Central Bank.  In order to purchase Hacienda Luisita, he applied for a loan with the Government Service Insurance System (GSIS) in the amount of P7 million. The GSIS Board of Trustees passed Resolution No. 1085 approving in principle the loan application, subject to the approval of the President of the Philippines. The loan was finally approved on November 27, 1957, again subject to various conditions, including the provision that “the lots comprising the Hacienda Luisita shall be subdivided by the applicant corporation among the tenants who shall pay the cost thereof under reasonable terms and conditions.”

The Tarlac Development Corp., the managing company for Hacienda Luisita established by Jose Cojuangco Sr., officially took over the property on April 8, 1958. Ninoy Aquino was appointed administrator of the vast hacienda.

Years passed but the new owners of the hacienda seemed to have forgotten its commitment to distribute the land to the tenants. This prompted the government, through the then Ministry of Agrarian Reform, the Central Bank and the GSIS to file a case for specific performance against the Jose Cojuangcos. The decision was rendered on December 2, 1985, requiring the family to distribute and sell at cost Hacienda Luisita to small farmers in line with the administration’s social justice policy.

Unfortunately, the decision was handed down during the time of Marcos and it was seen as an act to further persecute the family of Ninoy and Cory Aquino.

Hacienda Luisita was the biggest investment ever made by Jose Sr. but he never invited his only surviving brother, Juan, to invest. His heirs said that he invited the eldest sons of his two dead brothers to invest a maximum of 10 percent each but Danding reportedly was not interested. Ramon reportedly took an investment of 10 percent but sold it back a few years after to Jose Sr.

In a sense, Danding’s refusal to invest in Hacienda Luisita, if he was indeed offered shares in the company, raised the tension between the two families. While it would not come out into the open until five years later, there was conflict and struggle among the members. And, perhaps on the part of Danding, there was also that desire to compete with the other branch of the clan whose members, he might have thought, had always gotten the biggest part of the family pie.

What made the rift irreconcilable, however, was when Jose Sr. was booted out of the Philippine Bank of Commerce.

By 1961, Interwood was in the black again and Danding was ready to take on other business responsibilities.  So in 1962, he assumed the post of vice president in the family-owned Philippine Bank of Commerce.  His cousin Ramon was also becoming more interested in the bank’s operations. The young cousins brought new ideas with them, along with an impatience with their aging uncle who was running the bank. They wanted to take on bigger roles in managing the business.

But their uncle, Jose Sr., was the bank’s president and had his own ideas on how to run it. He was not ready and, in fact, had no plan to relinquish control of the bank to his nephews. He was reportedly grooming his eldest son Pedro to take over his position when he retires in a few years.

This did not sit well with the two cousins and even their Uncle Juan.

In January 1963, Juan and Danding secretly agreed to dismiss Jose Sr. as bank president during the stockholders’ meeting scheduled for the next month. Under their plan, Juan would replace him as president and chief executive officer. Danding, on the other hand, would either be the executive vice president or just vice president but with expanded responsibilities. Their problem was how to make sure that they have the votes necessary to implement their plan. Between the two of them, their shares of stocks in the bank were roughly equivalent to only half of the total. They then approached Ramon who controlled a fourth of the shares belonging to the Antonio branch, and drew him into the plan. He asked that he be given the position of executive vice president.

The talks between the two cousins and their uncle were shrouded in secrecy.  But as in most secret deals done in Manila, some details of the plan leaked out and eventually Jose Sr. got wind of it. He was devastated, his heirs said, upon hearing the news. It was he who had nurtured the bank since the Cojuangcos bought out the Rufino and the Jacinto families after the war. It was he who pulled the bank out from bankruptcy to become one of the country’s largest financial institutions.

He, however, could not do anything in the face of the planned takeover by his brother and nephews. He still controlled enough shares to have himself elected to the board but it would not be enough to prevent his dismissal as the bank’s president. So to prevent an embarrassing situation, Jose Sr. sold his shares to Juan and his nephews before the scheduled stockholders’ meeting.

A few months after, Jose Sr. organized another bank, the First United Bank. He also bought into the Manila Trading and Supply Co. (Mantrade), one of the top corporations in the Philippines that handled the distribution of motor vehicles and spare parts. He likewise bought into Pantranco, a large transport company, and into other industries. His new ventures flourished, until martial law was declared in 1972.

Meanwhile, the Eduardo branch also expanded its businesses. Danding established the Northern Cement Corp. He organized agribusinesses in Negros and other parts of the country. The Antonio branch, through Ramon, bought into the Philippine Long Distance Telephone Co.

To this day, the Philippine Bank of Commerce is still controlled by the heirs of Antonio. The First United Bank, however, faltered and was eventually taken over in the 1970s by Danding. It is now called the United Coconut Planters Bank. But the rest of this story will come later.

Part 1: Marrying business and politics, Cojuangco style
Part 2: Going up the social ladder
Part 3: Riding on Paniqui’s progress
Part 4: Where did the Cojuangcos’ wealth really come from?
Part 5: Brothers, business partners
Part 6: Wealth and misfortunes during the war

Source: http://newsbreak.com.ph/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=6879&Itemid=88889066

What’s Villar Running For, or From?

FRANKLY SPEAKING
by Frank Wenceslao

Many overseas Filipinos are asking: Is Sen. Manuel Villar running for uplifting our poor countrymen, or from prosecution for the crimes he, Mrs. Villar and close associates are probably guilty of in their rush to build up a real estate development empire and mind-boggling personal net worth of close to $1 billion in only 16 years while the couple is members of Congress?

Up to now Villar maintains he’s from a poor Tondo family. Hence, using as baseline his 1992 statement of assets, liabilities and net worth when first elected to Congress it’s incredible he’d build up a billion-dollar net worth at the end of 2008 even under the most favorable conditions, hence beyond the realm of statistical probability.

Villar should’ve known once he announced his run for president the evidence of his wrongdoings will emerge. Or could this really be his plan to brave the run perhaps by buying the office for it’d be his “safe harbor” anyway? Note that Villar’s spending money for his campaign as though really running from the arms of law.

Another bomb was unleashed by former Senate president Franklin Drilon last week that Villar’s company, Crown Communities Iloilo, bought 12.7 hectares in Jibao-an, Pavia, Iloilo from farmer beneficiaries and converted this first-class irrigated rice land into a residential enclave, Savannah Subdivision.

Drilon claims that under the law, it is illegal to convert first-class irrigated agricultural land into a subdivision. That’s exactly what Villar did in developing the Savannah Subdivision. Drilon charged Villar of the crime as he presented tax declarations and other documents obtained from the provincial government.

Drilon said Villar had obtained approval of the Department of Agrarian Reform to convert the agriculture land into a residential area only in 2007, seven years after construction of the subdivision started in 2000. Hence, a criminal act has gone on for 5 years before the conversion was approved, which should’ve sufficed for the DAR to file criminal action unless, of course, Villar fixed it.

Drilon added that Villar used P4 million of his pork barrel funds to build a 585-meter national road that led right into the entrance of Savannah. “This is the only public works project of Villar in the province,” said Drilon at the Iloilo press conference.

Drilon said that Villar, not content with the 12-hectare Savannah property, bought the adjoining rice lands in the area and amassed a total of 250 hectares of land to expand his residential community. The farmers had no choice but to sell their property, said Drilon, because their irrigation supply had been cut off with Villar’s conversion of the Savannah property which was the primary source of water in the area.

Is this a sample of Villar’s social conscience he’d bring to the presidency?

Drilon, who naturally faces a libel suit if his claims weren’t true, said the source of water was cut off and led to the destruction of irrigation canals whose costs should be charged to Villar the same way the Senate is asking him to reimburse the government of close to P7 billion for the feasibility studies, engineering design and plans, and other preparatory work wasted when Villar’s pressured DPWH officials to change the C-5 road extension alignment to “snake” through and provide ingress and egress for 23 Villar-owned or controlled housing subdivisions arching over parts of Metro Manila, Cavite and Laguna.

Villar’s workers back-filled the canals so they can be classified as non-serviceable, said Drilon, who noted that the value of Villar’s Pavia property in Iloilo shot up to P3,500 per square meter from less than P150 per square meter.

Drilon further said, “This is what we call C-5 and a half. Regardless if it is only half a kilometer, it shows the lack of decency on the part of the developer, Senator Villar, who simply set aside all interest of the CARP beneficiaries to be able to pursue his business interests. The C-5 controversy is simply a tip [of] the iceberg. It is a pattern we now see. We are aware of other subdivisions all over the country where similar practice was followed.”

As usual, Villar dismissed the charges the same way he did the Senate Committee Report No. 780 on the C-5 road extension scandal which, according to Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile, a Harvard-trained lawyer, presents a strong case against Villar and if the issue was brought to court and handled by a good prosecutor, the presidential aspirant “will end up in jail.”

Sen. Jamby Madrigal who first brought the charges on C-5 against Villar and his corporations for the insertions he made in the national budget to cover the road extension costs. The insertions are the same as “earmarks” that brought members of the US Congress to jail.

There’s another property bought by Northwinds Prime Properties Inc. (a Villar company) for the amount of Php120,196,780.00 from Sta. Lucia Realty and Development Corp. was mortgaged to Capitol Development Bank (a Villar-owned thrift bank) under the name of ADR Farms in the amount of Php150,000,000.00 on July 4, 1996 which was used as collateral for a Php1,500,000,000.00 emergency loan from Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) and eventually sold to RCBC Savings Bank by Capitol Bank and then finally bought back by Palmera Homes Inc. (another Villar company).

Here again is a criminal act involving the BSP in questionable private business transactions whose benefits solely accrued to Villar’s owned Capitol Development Bank, Palmera Homes Inc. and, of course, himself.

It’s a fact an important aspect of a crime an investigator looks into is modus operandi. It’s undeniable that Villar’s MO is to acquire undeveloped lands that a road project is planned or can be made to traverse which he’d hasten through insertions in the national budget or using his pork barrel for road construction to the property, inflate its loan value and borrow housing development funds from government lending institutions.

Very neat, isn’t it? Even Mafia mobsters wanting to go legitimate couldn’t have thought of such criminal enterprise. Pamusa’s volunteer Filipino counsels are unanimous that Villar is probably guilty of “corrupt practices of public officers” under the Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act (RA 3019) Sections 3(a) and 3(e).

Overseas Filipinos are urging the Ombudsman and Integrated Bar of the Philippines members to act immediately and cleanse our electoral system so an elective office especially the presidency in Villar’s case or Congress in Gloria Macapagal Arroyo’s case wouldn’t be a “safe harbor” for crimes they’ve committed with impunity.

Moreover, there’re surely evidence that GMA and Villar have “seriously violated laws on US soil” which the FBI can immediately investigate under the US-RP Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty and file the needed legal action in the US which should compel GMA and Villar to withdraw their candidacies, to wit:

1. Mail or Wire Fraud – transferring to the U.S. illegally earned funds or from the proceeds of corruption.

2. Money Laundering – transferring, investing and depositing in the U.S. banking or financial system illegally earned funds or from the proceeds of corruption.

3. Racketeering – violation of the RICO Act which provides that a person who is a member of an enterprise that has committed any two of 35 crimes—27 federal and 8 state crimes —within a 10-year period can be charged with racketeering. Those found guilty of racketeering can be fined up to $250,000 and/or sentenced to 20 years in prison per racketeering count. In addition, the racketeer must forfeit all ill-gotten gains and interest in any business gained through a pattern of “racketeering activity.” RICO also permits a private individual harmed by the actions of such an enterprise to file a civil suit; if successful, the individual can collect treble damages.

When the United States Attorney (prosecutor) decides to indict someone under RICO, he or she has the option of seeking a pre-trial restraining order or injunction to temporarily seize a defendant’s assets and prevent the transfer of potentially forfeitable property, as well as require the defendant to put up a performance bond. This provision was placed in the law because the owners of Mafia-related shell corporation often absconded with the assets. An injunction and/or performance bond ensures that there is something to seize in the event of a guilty verdict.

In many cases, the threat of a RICO indictment can force defendants to plead guilty to lesser charges, in part because the seizure of assets would make it difficult to pay a defense attorney. Despite its harsh provisions, a RICO-related charge is considered easy to prove in court, as it focuses on patterns of behavior as opposed to criminal acts.

Norwalk, CA – 021310

Source: http://globalbalita.com/2010/02/14/whats-villar-running-for-or-from/

teodoroyo… villarroyo…

—– Forwarded Message —-
From: dumagat bulacan
To: indira dosa gaces
Sent: Friday, February 19, 2010 9:37:33
Subject: si gibo, si pangulong ARROYO at si MANNY VILLARROYO

Kawawang Gibo, harapang pinapakitaan ng senyales ng kanyang among si PGMA na si Manny Villarroyo ang minamanok nito para sa pampanguluhang halalan.

Pagmasdan kung kahawig ni PGMA ang litratong nasa ibaba. Dito masusubukan ang linaw ng inyong mga mata para mabatid kung kailangan na ninyong magsuot ng salamin sa darating na botohan

Bolante’s partymates support Villar-Legarda tandem

by AMITA O. LEGASPI, GMANews.TV
02/17/2010 | 11:09 PM

BALETE, Aklan—A local party pushing for the gubernatorial candidacy of former agriculture undersecretary Jocelyn ‘Jocjoc’ Bolante on Wednesday expressed support for the presidential and vice-presidential bids of Senators Manuel Villar Jr. and Loren Legarda, respectively.

Capiz mayors who are members of Ugyon Kita Capiz (Unite Capiz) also support the entire ticket of the Nacionalista Party (NP), Capiz councilor Monchit Acuna Alvar said during a press conference held at the house of Aklan Vice Governor Gabrielle Calizo-Quimpo in this town.

Bolante, who was implicated in the fertilizer fund scam that the Senate began to investigate in 2006, will be running for Capiz governor under the Ugyon banner against incumbent reelectionist Governor Victor Tanco Sr., who is running under the LP banner.

Alvar, althought a third cousin of Liberal Party (LP) vice-presidential bet Manuel Roxas II, explained why the Ugyon party aligned itself with the NP slate.

“We believe in the ideals of Senator Villar and Senator Loren, that is why we are here supporting the Villar-Legarda tandem,” Alvar said.

Among the members of Ugyon are Roxas City Mayor Vicente Bermejo and Sapian Mayor Turic Orozco. They were among the 17 former members of LP who decided to form their own political party.

“We are more convinced that Senator Villar and Senator Loren can lead the country,” Alvar added.

When asked if NP will reciprocate the Ugyon’s support, Villar said the talks are at the level of the mayors only.

Kami ay nakatanggap ng suporta at tinatanggap namin yan sa mga mayors. Hindi pa kami nagkakausap sa governor o sa congressman (We received support from the mayors and we acknowledge that. We have not talked yet with the governor or congressman),” the NP standard bearer said.

Villar insisted that he has not talked with Bolante, and that he is not even sure the former agriculture official will support him in the May polls.

Sa ngayon ay masaya kami na meron kaming suporta ng mga mayor. Hindi pa namin alam kung sino-sino ang kumpletong susuporta sa amin (For now, we are glad that we have the mayors’ support. We don’t know yet the complete set of those who will support us),” he said.

Hindi naman kami sumusuporta pa formally. But nakikita ko na eventually mag-uusap, yun lamang, hanggang dun lang muna tayo at hindi pa kami handang sabihin kung sino ang pinal na magkakasama at hindi din naman nila sinasabi, to be fair with them,” Villar added.

(We’re not yet supporting them formally. But I see that there will be talks eventually, only that we can’t say more than that, and we’re not yet ready to say who will finally be with whom, and they are not revealing this anyway, to be fair with them.)

He also clarified that Bolante is not a member of NP. However, when asked if he welcomes the idea that the mayors supporting him are also supporting Bolante, Villar said: “Desisyon na nila yun as to who they will vote for governor, kung sino ang gusto nila for senators, for president, desisyon nila yun (it’s their decision who they will vote for as governor, who they want for senator, for president, that’s their decision).”

For her part, Legarda asked the public not to link with NP “other candidates na ni anino nila hindi pa namin nakikita (whose very shadows we haven’t even seen).”

Bayan Muna Rep. Satur Ocampo, one of the critics of Bolante and now NP guest senatorial candidate, said Villar was careful in acknowledging the support of the mayors who are also backing the candidacy of Bolante.

“The new party is essentially a united break-away action from the LP. Logically, it opted to back up the strongest rival of LP—the NP,” Ocampo said.

Bolante was implicated by the Senate in 2006 as deeply involved in the diversion of some P728 million in so-called fertilizer funds that were supposed to benefit poor farmers but went instead to local government officials and from there, many suspect, to President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo’s campaign kitty in the 2004 presidential elections.

The former agriculture official fled to the US to avoid the Senate hearings on the fertilizer fund scam. Failing to get US asylum, however, he was deported back to the Philippines in October 2008 and placed by the Senate under hospital arrest.

He was never formally charged in court, however, and was even able to file his certificate of candidacy for the Capiz gubernatorial race. JV, GMANews.TV